Direct Party and Representative Voting (DPR)

Direct Party and Representative Voting (DPR) in practice

DPR Voting - simple, practical, powerful electoral reform

How would DPR Voting work in practice?
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9 MPs

14 Election of the Speaker

15 Abuse of the System

16 MPs and differing vote values - a chamber of equals?

17Issues that do not divide along party lines

18 Conflicting interests between constituencies
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1 . Proportional Representation
DPR Voting in practice
DPR Voting is a form of proportional representation.

Voters have two separate and distinct votes.
One vote (the Party vote) determines the number of votes of each party in the Parliament, and therefore which party (or parties) is in a position to form the government.

The party (or parties) that wins a majority of votes in the election will have a majority of votes in the parliament, and their number of parliamentary votes will be proportional to the number of votes they won in the election.

The Party votes are counted and aggregated nationwide, and therefore all votes count equally in determining the result of this part of the election.
One vote (The Representative vote) elects the MP for the constituency, by a plurality - the candidate with the most votes wins. This vote does not have any effect on the number of number of votes in the parliament, and therefore on which party (or parties) is in a position to form a government.

The MPs who make up the parliament are the winners of the individual constituency elections and are elected to represent their constituency in the parliament. Most MPs will have a party allegiance and the organisation of parliament is unchanged.

Each party's total number of votes in the parliament is proportional to its nationwide share of the 'Party' vote, rather than the number of their MPs.
Each MP is entrusted with an equal share of their party’s total number of votes, so they have, in most cases, a vote value either more or less than one, the value being expressed as a decimal.

An example
For example, there are currently 650 seats in the House of Commons. If 10 Independent MPs are elected, there will be 640 ‘party' MPs. Collectively these 'party' MPs will be able to exercise 640 votes. However these votes are distributed according to the shares identified by the 'party' vote with each MP having an equal share of the party's parliamentary votes, as follows.
If party A got 40% support in the ‘Party' vote but 50% of the ‘party' MPs, each of their MPs would have a vote value of 40/50 = 0.8
If party B got 40% support in the ‘Party' vote but 30% of the party MPs, each of their MPs would have a vote value of 40/30 = 1.333

MPs elected as Independents have a vote value of one.
2 . Constituency Boundary revisions
DPR Voting in practice
Because the party vote, which determines the total number of parliamentary votes for each party, is totalled across the country, the relative size of the individual constituencies does not influence the result of the contest between the parties. Thus the fairness of the system is independent of the number of MPs, and the sizes of the individual constituencies, or where the constituency boundaries are drawn.

The size of individual constituencies, or the position of their boundaries only has implications for each individual constituency and the work load of the elected MP. Frequent boundary revisions would not be necessary to maintain the fairness of the electoral system. Occasional boundary revisions might be implemented, but on a far less frequent basis, to maintain reasonably equitable work loads for the different MPs or to take account of the changes to the boundaries of natural communities or local Government areas.
3 . General Election Campaigns
DPR Voting in practice
A General Election Campaign decided by DPR voting would differ from existing campaigns

Parties would have two targets - firstly to win as many votes as possible across the country, and secondly to get as many representatives elected. The second of these objectives would be much more determined by the calibre of the local candidates and their local campaigns than at present.

Marginal Constituencies: There would be no marginal constituencies because party votes are aggregated into a national total which determines the number of votes the party has in the parliament.
All votes would have an equal significance. This would mean parties would have little incentive to focus their resources and campaigning effort on just a few constituencies.

Safe Seats While a seat might return a majority of Party A votes, it does not follow that the representative of Party A will be elected. Only MPs who are able to convince their voters that they personally will do a better job as the MP for the constituency than any of their electoral rivals (and presumably their track record as an MP will be an essential part of this) will be elected, and this judgement will be made at each election.
Lazy, ineffective or dishonest candidates would not be able to rely on the popularity of their party for their re-election.
When there are no great local issues or complaints about the individual candidates, or differences of calibre, some, perhaps a majority, will vote for the candidate of their preferred party. But they don't have to, and can always vote for an alternative candidate while still supporting the party. Some constituencies would be considered to be 'marginals' as far as individual MPs are concerned.

Campaigning strategies
Campaigning would be both national and local.
With no marginals, national campaigns would focus across the general population, rather than in particular marginals.
Local campaigns would be more about the merits of the individual candidates and local issues.
4 . Electoral administration and counting
DPR Voting in practice

Electoral Administration and counting would be similar to the existing system, with a single vote cast for the candidate on one ballot paper, and a single vote cast for the party on the other.

Parties on the ballot paper - There would be a qualification process for political parties to appear on the ballot paper. This might be a national or regional qualification process. Parties would need to obtain numbers of signatures or perhaps achieve a threshold level in a regulated opinion poll. The ballot paper could include 'None of the above' in the party section.

Candidates on the ballot paper - No change necessary to the existing system. The only description for Independent candidates would be 'Independent'

The ballot papers - There would be two ballot papers. Voters would have one vote in each ballot paper.
The Party ballot paper would list the qualifying parties, and the Representative ballot paper would list the Candidates. Each Candidate would have a descriptor being either one of the parties in the party section that had adopted the candidate, or 'Independent' .

The vote - No change in administration to the existing system is required.

The count - The two sections of the ballot paper would be counted separately. The counts in both sections would be similar to the current counting system. The representative ballot count would determine the election of the MP. This could be done quickly and easily, and thus results in some constituencies could be available, as at present, on the night. The count of the Party vote would be of interest locally, but would only have practical significance when aggregated with all the other votes to reach a national total. Percentage results could also be published relatively quickly.

5 . Government
DPR Voting in practice
The national vote determines which party (or parties) forms the Government. If no single party is able to command a majority, Government is formed by a coalition of parties, or by a party as a minority Government. In this respect it is similar to other PR systems. Government programmes would only be passed that commanded a majority in the house. However that majority would be determined by the total of votes for and against, not the number of MPs.
Other issues such as fixed term parliaments could be considered independently.
One aspect that is changed by DPR is the relationship between the MPs, and the Government. Since MPs would stand or fall on their record as judged locally they would be less susceptible to pressure from the whips and might well prove to be more independent that at present.
6 . Parliament
DPR Voting in practice
The first change to parliament will be the way votes are conducted. Parliament would change its internal voting system when voting on party political issues. The number of votes held by the elected Government, and each party, in Parliament is determined by the total of 'party' votes cast in the General Election.
In order for the votes to be used, the party also needs to get party sponsored MPs elected. The 'Representative' or constituency vote elects MPs, each of whom is then entrusted with an equal share of the voting power of the sponsoring party to use as the MP sees fit. This means they have, in most cases, a vote value either more or less than one, the value being expressed as a decimal.

For example:
If a party got 40% support in the ‘Government' vote but 50% of the MPs, each of their MPs would have a vote value 0.8 . Independents would have a vote value of one.
If a party got 40% support in the ‘Government’ vote but 30% of the MPs, each of their MPs would have a vote value 1.333 etc
Electronic voting would be used at every vote to keep a voting record and ensure a quick count. The fractional vote values will apply for all votes on party political issues.
Free Votes are determined by one vote per MP.
A bill would be identified as a free vote if all Parties are in agreement.

It is possible that where a particular party is badly under represented in the house compared with the party vote, there would be strain in appointing MPs to Select Committees. This will be no worse than at present and might well prove to be much less of a problem since outstanding MPs will find it possible to be elected when the party votes are against them. MPs may be inclined to exercise more voting independence because of the strengthened link with the constituency electorate.

7. Parliamentary Composition
DPR Voting does not necessarily result in a parliament which is a microcosm of British Society. It does not necessarily result in a Parliament that consists of balanced proportions of age, gender, ethnicity, sexual orientation etc.
The MPs that are elected will be the local choices. It will encourage the election of the best. Now this may well, in time, result in the election of a parliament of balanced proportions, but it is not inherent in the system, nor should it be.
Each MP who is elected should be the local choice, elected on individual merit, not because he or she sports the right party credentials.
8. Voting Behaviour
DPR Voting in practice
It is speculation to guess at changes in voter behaviour that will result from the introduction of DPR voting. However it seems reasonable to draw some conclusions.

Firstly every party vote will make a difference, and voters can vote for their party even when there is no local candidate, so higher turnouts might be expected.

In DPR Voting every vote makes a difference to the result regardless of where it is cast because each vote affects the value of the total vote of each party.
It is the total value of the votes cast for the different parties that determines the number of parliamentary votes for each party and therefore which party or parties can form the Government, or which bills are passed.

Number of votes
Number of votes
Party
case 1
case 2
A
18
36.00%  
19
37.25%
B
7
14.00%  
7
13.73%
C
5
10.00%  
5
9.80%
D
20
40.00%  
20
39.22%
Total votes
50
51

In the above simplistic example, in case 2, one extra voter goes out to vote.
All the percentages change.
It is a small but real difference. Now Party A and B have a majority for their coalition.


Secondly, although the Representative vote purely elects the MP and does not contribute to the strength of the party directly, many voters may still vote for the representative of their preferred party. But where there is an outstanding candidate from another party, and an energetic campaign, such a candidate will have a real chance of getting elected.

Similarly where an MP proves to be a poor constituency MP, lazy, ineffective or even corrupt, voters will cast their representative vote elsewhere, and this could easily result in the representative of a party being elected as the MP when that party does not have the most voter support in the constituency.

In addition, this could act as a deterrent to Party organisations 'parachuting' a candidate into a constituency.

Iinterestingly it will be possible to compare the votes cast for each candidate with the votes cast for each party, so that the relative unpopularity of an MP would be plain for all to see as judged by a lower share of the poll than his party. Similarly a popular constituency MP would be able to point to a share of the vote in excess of the party vote for the constituency.
9 . MPs
DPR Voting in practice
A change to DPR voting would not require a change to the Single Member constituency system, or to the constituencies or their boundaries. Campaigns could continue in the same geographical areas. However there would be more freedom for boundaries to follow natural communities or local government areas.
MPs' link with the constituency will be closer because the election will be much more about personal qualities and record in public life, and an MP will not be able to rely on the party label to be elected. This will give them a measure of independence since a popular MP will no longer necessarily be voted out when his or her party suffers an electoral setback. Of course the converse is also true.
In Parliament, the whips are likely to have less influence, so MPs will have more independence when it comes to voting.
10 . MPs and Accountability
DPR Voting in practice
DPR Voting has some special features that make elected MPs uniquely accountable to their constituents.
An MP standing as a candidate at the General election can be held accountable because the MP cannot depend on his or her party allegiance for re-election
The voter freely chooses the best person for the job. It is a local contest where personal qualities and record in public life of the candidates make the difference. The local nature of the election means that the voter has a better chance of knowing about, or having some first hand experience of the candidates. An MP who is perceived by the constituents to have a poor record as an MP can be voted out without the voters compromising on their own party allegiance.

A unique feature of DPR voting is that every election will show how well regarded, how popular, the MP is in relation to his or her party. This will be quantified by the votes cast. In each constituency it will be possible to compare the votes cast for each candidate with the votes cast for each party.
The relative unpopularity of an MP will be plain for all to see when the Party gets a higher share of the poll than the MP. Similarly a popular constituency MP would be able to point to a share of the vote in excess of the party vote for the constituency. This will be a message that will be picked up by the press and media, the party organisations as well as the constituents, and one the MP will not be able to ignore.
11. Small Parties
DPR Voting in practice
How easy or difficult it is for small parties to be present on the ballot paper and have at least one elected member in the parliament depends on factors which are not inherent to the system and can be determined quite separately.
1) the conditions for qualifying to be on the Ballot Paper.
2) A threshold level for automatic representation.

How does a Party qualify to be present on the ballot paper?
The Party would have to qualify to get on the ballot paper. The conditions for Party qualification is not inherent to the system and would be a matter for separate debate. The process of qualification could be regional or national and might, for example, require a number of signatures to be obtained across a number of different constituencies.
What happens if a Party fails to qualify?
If a party failed to qualify, its candidates could still stand as independents.

Could a small Party get no representative to exercise a parliamentary vote?
Yes, but this is less likely to happen than under FPTP.
It could happen where a party has a low level of support spread widely, has no outstanding candidate capable of being elected on personal merit, and does not get enough votes to exceed the threshold level.

With DPR Voting, the election of the Representative depends on the merit of the individual. That might be personal qualities, track record in public life locally or nationally, and perhaps charisma. Most small parties who win even a small share of the national vote have at least one outstanding individual who might well be elected on their personal qualities, public profile etc. With DPR voting the voter can both support
his/her preferred party, and then freely choose the best person to represent the constituency.

Secondly in the event that a party had no representative elected it would still be possible for one MP to be elected by automatic representation.
Automatic Representation
In the event that a party fails to get a single constituency MP elected, but nevertheless achieves a level of support in the Party vote which exceeds a predetermined threshold (for example 1%), there is provision for the automatic election of a single MP (the party leader).
If no candidate from a party was elected in the Representative ballot but the party won enough votes to exceed the chosen threshold percentage, the leader of the party would automatically be elected as an MP. In this way the party would be represented in the Parliament and the MP would be able to exercise the appropriately ‘heavy' vote. Such an MP would have no constituency link, but this would be an exceptional circumstance.

Would DPR Voting mean there were lots of small parties in the Parliament?
It depends on how easy it is made to qualify and
What threshold level is set for automatic representation

Would DPR Voting encourage schisms within the larger parties?
No. There would be no particular benefit or incentive from the system, and the disincentive that applies to small parties would apply to new breakaway parties.
12. Independent Candidates
DPR Voting in practice
Independent Candidates, that is candidates not adopted by one of the parties in the party section of the ballot paper, will be identified on the ballot paper as Independent. An outstanding Independent candidate will have a better chance of being elected under DPR because at present the lack of a party label acts as a handicap. This handicap will no longer be as significant. The campaign will be more concerned with personal qualities and the candidate's record in public life. Independent Candidates elected as MPs will exercise a vote value of one in all parliamentary votes.
13. By-elections, defections, and other issues
DPR Voting in practice

What happens in the event of the defection of an MP from party A to Party B?
The MP retains the vote value until the next General Election. An MP who resigned the whip would retain the same value vote or a vote value of one, whichever is the lower, for the remainder of the Parliament.
What vote value does an MP elected at a by-election have?
An MP elected at a by-election has a vote value of 1
What stops an MP with a 'heavy' vote defecting to another party?
Nothing stops an MP from defecting, but an MP who resigned the whip would retain the same value vote or a vote value of one, whichever is the lower, for the remainder of the Parliament. Thus an MP with a 'heavy' vote cannot defect and take this 'heavy' vote to another party. There is no redistribution of votes.

Can you vote for a party even if there is no candidate from that party standing in the constituency?
Yes. (in the Party vote)
This means that each party would receive their total potential vote, unqualified by a shortage of candidates.
In the constituency of the Speaker of the House of Commons where, by convention, the major parties don't contest the election, the electorate would still be able to vote for the preferred party even if the Speaker was the only candidate standing.

14. Election of the Speaker
The convention is that the speaker is returned to Parliament unopposed. If convention is followed, there is no competition, and thus the constituents of the Speaker's constituency do not have the chance to vote for the party of their choice. With DPR Voting this problem would not arise. The election would take place with electors completing the Party Ballot section only (assuming there were no candidates standing to oppose the Speaker). Accordingly their votes would still count as much as every other vote in the election. In this respect DPR Voting is unique amongst voting systems.

15. Abuse of the system - attempts to cheat or exploit the system DPR Voting in practice

Generally DPR Voting is not influenced by party electoral tactics or tactical voting. But, in an extreme case, there is one potential loophole that should be blocked by legal sanction.
This could occur where party A has a large majority in a constituency. If party A decides not to field a candidate but instead supports an independent who, once elected, defects to or always votes with Party A, that party would gain one parliamentary vote more than would be the case if Party A had fielded a winning candidate.
For this reason, for a party not to field a candidate in a constituency where it wins the highest share of the party vote, would be a contravention of electoral law.
It would not be possible to hide this tactic, and so it should be straightforward to make a legal challenge and for a court to impose some sort of penalty, either financial, or electoral, or both, on the party.
This somewhat bizarre tactic would only be worthwhile, if at all, where concerted action was taken in a number of constituencies, and the penalty could be graduated accordingly.
Even without legal sanction it seems unlikely that it would be electorally rewarding for a party to adopt this potentially high risk tactic.

16. MPs and differing vote values rather than ‘One MP one Vote' - a chamber of equals?

The main concern about the system encountered so far is that MPs have different value votes.

Making MPs equal, giving them all an equal single vote, is the mathematical basis for the unfairness of most electoral systems, and the complexity that results when efforts are made to avoid this unfairness.

'One MP one vote' leads directly to disproportionality.
In most elections the votes cast in each constituency are counted and then, in effect, discarded. Candidates are elected. We then arbitrarily give them each equal elected status, ignoring all the votes cast in the election for both winning and losing parties/candidates. A majority of one counts equally with a majority of 10,000. Similarly 10,000 votes cast for a losing candidate are completely ignored. The number of votes each political party has then simply equates to the number of MPs of each party who are elected. This disconnect between the votes cast and the final result (in effect caused by giving 'One MP one vote') results in unfair disproportional electoral results. Each party ends up with a total number of votes out of proportion to the votes cast.

It is what we are accustomed to, but it is also the root cause of the problems we have with most electoral systems in a multi party representative democracy.

Elected representatives, with different size constituencies and majorities, are not elected 'equally' (except in a binary sense). MPs represent different sized constituencies, win different numbers of votes, and they will have different majorities.

If we didn’t have parties, one MP one vote would work well.
If we only voted for Parties with no constituency MPs, the result would be a block vote like an opinion poll with each party getting a percentage.

In most electoral systems the vote for the individual is conflated with the vote for the party.
In a multi party representative democracy where the voting is conflated in this way, votes are cast as much for the party as the individual (and you can't separate the two.) Many MPs owe their election, and therefore their vote in parliament, to the popularity of their party rather than their individual qualities.

In DPR Voting the two votes are not conflated.
The Representatives are elected as individuals, and therefore are equal when voting on 'non party' issues.
However when 'party' issues are voted on, the voting strength of the party takes primacy. The voting strength of the party derives from the Party vote. Rather than exercising a block vote, the party vote is shared out equally amongst the representatives of the party in the chamber. In every other respect the MPs in the chamber are equal.

To put it another way, the Party vote vests the voting power for party political issues in the parliamentary party, not directly to the party sponsored MP. The number of votes is precisely proportional to the votes cast in the election. In order to exercise this power, the parliamentary party distributes (shares out equally) this voting power to its MPs. Divide the Parliamentary Party voting power by the number of party sponsored MPs and mathematics dictate that each MP will probably have a vote with a value not equal to one when voting on Party political issues.

17. Issues that do not divide along party lines
Some issues are not 'party political'. Opinion is not divided along party lines. In such cases would it be right for some MPs to have a heavier vote than others?

‘Party political’ divisions and the related system of MPs vote values is the default system for deciding divisions in parliament. If Parliament votes on a matter agreed as a ‘non party political’ vote, where no party has a policy on the matter, the system of MPs party vote values does not apply.
Specifically a particular vote is deemed a ‘non party political’ vote if all political parties agree as much and inform the speaker accordingly.
In this situation each MP has a vote with a value of one.
18. Conflicting interests between constituencies
Could there be a problem when a matter came before Parliament where there was a division between two constituencies. Would it be right for the weight value of the constituencies' respective MPs to differ?

Either this is a party political matter, in which case the decision of parliament would be determined by the decisons of the individual political parties. If it were not a party political matter, (agreed by all parties) under the rules of DPR Voting each constituency MP would have a vote value of one.

DPR Voting - simple, practical, powerful electoral reform

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